\n<\/b>While breadlines elongated perpetually during the 1930s, the proliferation of the Mammy<\/em> stereotypes
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/legacy.berea.edu\/appalachian-center\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2022\/07\/Missy-n-Mammy-2.png\")
and the Appalachian Craft Revival were at their peaks. The production of Missy n\u2019 Mammy <\/em>by the Fireside industries under the leadership of Anna Ernberg, circa the late 1930s, represents these peaks (Figure 1)<\/em>.[1]<\/strong><\/a> The first time I saw Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> was at an exhibit by the Appalachian Studies\u2019 Collection Center with a group of weavers. When everyone saw the doll, a plethora of vulgar comments came out from the weavers, complaining about how insensitive this rag doll was to the African American population.<\/p>\nDespite feeling those emotions as well, I wondered if I would react the same had I been steeped in the visual culture of the 1930s. I also wondered if I would have succumbed to the visual culture that demanded derogatory images like Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em>. In this paper, I argue that Anna Ernberg\u2019s At first glance, the production of the Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> confirmed the efforts of the Appalachian Craft Revival, which sought to promote the restoration of lost colonial art, while increasing the self-efficacy of the craft artists who made these artworks. It was a lament from Lost Cause preservers who feared that the culture of the second wave of The Southern Belle<\/em> was a stereotype used for southern women whose upper socioeconomic class, was identified by their trendy dressing, sexual innocence, and passion.[5]<\/a> Even though it developed in the 1850\u2019s, its proclivity to female suppression is seen in the 1930s in fictional characters like Scarlett O\u2019Hara in Gone with the wind <\/em>film.[6]<\/a> It is also seen in the Missy <\/em>side of Missy n\u2019 Mammy <\/em>as they both are fashionable and do not suggest sexual immorality.[7]<\/a> Both are symbols of the Lost Cause rhetoric that promoted plantation life.<\/p>\n Through the inclusion of the Missy<\/em> side, Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> symbolizes unity between black and white women striving to gain rights like equal pay. However, the difference between the treatments of the doll sides leans towards the class difference between black and white women. The juxtaposition of the Missy<\/em>\u2019s blue-eyes and white skin, suggesting its Anglo-Saxon ancestry, against the Mammy<\/em>\u2019s bulging eyes and black skin, proclaiming the demeaning Mammy<\/em> stereotype, showcase class difference.[8]<\/a> Moreover, the types of headwear worn by the dolls signify this class difference. While the Missy<\/em> side wears a decorated green bonnet, signifying the Southern Belle<\/em>, the Mammy <\/em>wears a kerchief, indicative of domestic worker uniform at the time.[9]<\/a><\/p>\n The use of Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> as a nurturing teacher and a storytelling assistant sheds light on the reasons why black women could not pass through the line that class differences had created.[10]<\/a> As benign as it was to teach children to take care of objects living and non-living, the class difference taught by dolls like Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> progressed from generation to generation. It is this act of taking care of Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em>, that fed the faithful slave rhetoric found in the Lost Cause doctrine that claimed that the Confederacy\u2019s reasons to enter the civil war were just and heroic.<\/p>\n This faithful slave rhetoric rose to fame during the Great Depression<\/em> and the Jim Crow eras when the Southerners\u2019 fetish of an imagined past filled with content and faithful slaves was at its peak.[11]<\/a> This nostalgia was translated to black domestic subservience as represented by Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em>, resulting in generations of white girls who would later want a Mammy<\/em> of their own. To the generation of black girls whose mothers wore this stereotype as domestic workers, it deflated their hopes of becoming more than just a Mammy<\/em> in a country that was hungry for them.[12]<\/a> However, for others, it motivated them to become more than just a stereotyped domestic worker, as seen in the actress Hattie McDaniel.[13]<\/a><\/p>\n As Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em>\u2019s contemporary, Hattie McDaniel\u2019s Oscar-winning performance as Mammy <\/em>in the \u2026 an opportunity to glorify Negro womanhood-not the modern, stream-lined type of Negro woman who attends teas and concerts in ermine and mink- but the type of Negro of the period which gave us Harriet Tubman, Sojourner Truth, and Charity Still. The brave, efficient, hard-working type of womanhood which has built a race, mothered our Booker T. Washington, George W. Carver, Robert Moton, and Mary McLeod Bethune. So, you see, the mothers of that era must have had something in them to produce men and women of such caliber.[15]<\/a><\/p>\n The proliferation of the Mammy<\/em> stereotype in a society where black and white people excused these derogatory images as mediums to educate the viewer of different black identities is not shocking.[18]<\/a> Although white people mostly imposed the black stereotypes, African American critics like W.E. Du Bois praised Mammy<\/em>-stereotyped paintings like Palmer Hayden\u2019s Midsummer nights in Harlem<\/em> for their New Negro<\/em> representation. \u00a0Thus, Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> perpetuated numbness to the harmful effect of these stereotypes on black self-perception.<\/p>\n The presence of such a doll in an interracial school like Berea College, during President Frost\u2019s era, is Frost\u2019s hiring of Ernberg stems from his prioritization of Appalachian culture and the welfare of its people, resulting in the Fireside industries, which helped provide jobs and income to Appalachian women.[22]<\/a> Thus, Frost wanted a leader who had the passion, skill, market knowledge, and a business-mind, resulting in the hiring of Ernberg.[23]<\/a> Due to the influx of Swedish immigrant-weavers like Ernberg, Frost advised Ernberg only to teach Appalachian women regional weaving patterns and products, including defamatory images like Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em>.[24]<\/a><\/p>\n Thus, Ernberg\u2019s participation in the production of Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> suggests her adaptation to the Appalachian visual culture, which President Frost fostered. Ernberg could have adapted to Frost\u2019s regionalism to keep the Fireside Industries in business.[25]<\/a> Thus, Frost\u2019s artistic suppression of Ernberg\u2019s Swedish was an influence in the production of Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em>.<\/p>\n However true this might be, as the Director of the Fireside industries, Ernberg had the right to choose which type of lost colonial art she would design into a product.[26]<\/a> Ernberg knew of the Berea College\u2019s interracial precepts and thus had the authority to choose whether to honor these precepts or deface them. There is also no correspondence between President Frost and Ernberg that suggests that Frost mandated Ernberg\u2019s decision to make these derogatory images.<\/p>\n Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> signifies Anna Ernberg\u2019s cognitive dissonance, as seen on the Missy<\/em> side that symbolizes her efforts to progress the estate of unemployed Appalachian women and on the Mammy<\/em> side, which shows how she participated in womanhood minstrelsy.[27]<\/a> To the onlooker, Ernberg fought women\u2019s rights by providing jobs for community women and students. As a spokesman, Ernberg marketed products and the need for donations through speeches and articles distributed to buyers on her sales trips, to keep the weavers employed.[28]<\/a> As a leader, she taught other women how to initiate and manage their weaving schools like Lucy Morgan, a student who started the Penland School of Crafts.[29]<\/a> As a designer, Ernberg designed a small hand loom in 1913, inspiring other women\u2019s creativity.[30]<\/a> Overall, Ernberg is viewed as a champion for women\u2019s rights.<\/p>\n Nevertheless, when Ernberg\u2019s studio working environment and marketing schemes are considered in addition to the production of stereotyped dolls like Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em>, this view is challenged. Ernberg was known for being uncooperative to both her employers and employees, and even though this kept her production levels high, her employees can attest to a toxic working environment.[31]<\/a> One example is an incident where Ernberg replaced Julia Smith\u2019s weaving job after the employee begged her to save her job after her vacation. From this incident, Smith\u2019s replacement could have been caused by Ernberg\u2019s need to keep production levels high.[32]<\/a> However, if this was the case, Ernberg should have welcomed Smith back after the break, which she did not.<\/p>\n Additionally, Ernberg\u2019s marketing scheme often portrayed Appalachian women as ignorant and weak, to gain buyers who bought Fireside products to protect colonial tradition from mingling with immigrant culture. Ernberg\u2019s articles like They have eyes and see not, they have ears but do hear not, <\/em>and news articles confirmed her condescending view of the Appalachians, which she claims to have made \u201cmore American\u201d (Fig 7).<\/em>[33]<\/a> Economically, the Fireside industry products would not have high sales, without this demeaning portrayal\u2019s appeal to lost cause preservers. This thought might be relevant yet, Ernberg continued to depict Appalachian women as uneducated and poor well after the Fireside industries had become stable enough to deserve a better portrayal.[34]<\/a><\/p>\n Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> also represents the influence of Enberg\u2019s peers who furthered the Appalachian Craft Revival either for the restoration of lost colonial art or their capitalistic interests. One of Ernberg\u2019s peers who progressed the Appalachian Craft revival for the restoration of lost colonial art was Eleonor Roosevelt, who, like Ernberg, was the leader of craft programs. Together with her co-founders Marion Dickerman and Nancy Cook, Roosevelt established a furniture-making shop called Val-Kill Industries in 1926 and later supervised the Arthurdale experiment.[35]<\/a> Just like Ernberg, Roosevelt fought for the inclusion of government-funded craft programs, despite the government\u2019s suspicion of the presence of socialism in these programs.[36]<\/a> Unlike Ernberg, Roosevelt supported black artist and their works instead of making stereotyped images of them.[37]<\/a><\/p>\n Anna Ernberg 1911<\/p><\/div>\n The lost cause preservers often were at odds with Ernberg\u2019s peers who prioritized the profitability of the crafts sold, representing Ernberg\u2019s capitalistic ambitions. Although Ernberg was not a businesswoman by training, she knew how to appeal to the market just like her peers.[38]<\/a> These intentions were also present in the Southern Highlands Handicraft Guild leaders like Isadora Williams, who emphasized the making of craft products \u201clike the person who buys it likes it.\u201d[39]<\/a> \u00a0<\/sup><\/strong>Thus, Ernberg\u2019s peers influenced her production of dolls like Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> as the doll appealed to the restoration of lost colonial art and capitalistic ambitions.<\/p>\n Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> accomplishes the goals of organizations like the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) as they petitioned for a Mammy <\/em>monument in Washington, D.C.[40]<\/a> Although the UDC\u2019s requests managed to reach the government, they were followed by backlashes from leaders like Carter G. Woodson. Woodson resented the proposed monument for insulting the African American population and undermining the struggle that colonial Mammies had to endure.[41]<\/a> Later in 1955, black domestic women would retaliate through demonstrations like the Montgomery Bus Boycott, demanding a shift from the 1930s master-faithful servant relationship to an employer-employee relationship.[42]<\/a> \u00a0Despite all these efforts, the production of Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> made this monument more accessible to the public as people did not need to go to Washington, D.C, to see Mammy when they had her in their children\u2019s drawers and toy boxes.<\/p>\n \u00a0 <\/sup>Thus, Anna Ernberg\u2019s immigrant status is ignored as an underlying factor in the production of Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em>, based on the Appalachian Craft Revival and visual culture\u2019s influence on this production. However, Ernberg\u2019s immigrant status plays a significant role in her complacency to these stereotypes, as seen when she says the following in an interview in 1931:<\/p>\n It is self-evident that Negroes don\u2019t mix with whites. A Negroe is like a child. If he is intelligent, he has quite a lot of white blood in his vein. You live separated from the Negroes.\u00a0 In a country where there are very few Negroes, it wouldn\u2019t be so, but in America, there are so many.[43]<\/a><\/p>\n Through this saying, the main root of Enberg\u2019s intentions regarding the production of Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> is showcased. To Ernberg, Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> did not seem like a problem that needed addressing as she believed that black people would be passive to these stereotypes, just like children.[44]<\/a> Even if Ernberg wanted to address the issue surrounding those stereotypes, her separation from black people, prevented such conversations.[45]<\/a><\/p>\n Without Jim Crow laws that promoted segregation like the Day law, Anna Ernberg would not have adapted well to a life where there were \u201cso many\u201d black people.[46]<\/a> Without this adaptation, the influence that the visual culture and the Appalachian Craft Revival had on Ernberg would not have been as effective in persuading her to make these derogatory images. Ernberg\u2019s life coming from Sweden, where there were \u201cvery few Negroes,\u201d would not have adapted to a desegregated Berea College, possibly preventing the production of Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em>.[47]<\/a><\/p>\n Bibliography<\/p>\n Adams, Ellen. \u201cTales from the collection at the Alice T. Miner Museum: \u2018From Kentucky to Chazy: Anna Ernberg and the Berea Fireside Industries\u2019.\u201d Alice T. Miner Museum, 2016. March 24, 2020. http:\/\/minermuseum.blogspot.com\/2016\/03\/from-kentucky-to-chazy-anna-ernberg-and.html<\/a>.<\/p>\n Alvic, Philis. \u201cBerea College and Fireside Industries.\u201d In\u00a0Weavers of the Southern Highlands<\/em>, edited by University Press of Kentucky 35-55. Lexington, Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky, 2003.<\/p>\n [Item 19\/ Folder 10\/ Series 4, Box 1], RG 5.28: Belknap Carrol to Berea College Student Industries, 5 June 1933. Needlecraft-Report and Correspondence, Price lists, Labels, 1. Berea: Administrative Divisions: Student Industries, Berea College Special Collections and Archives, 2018.<\/p>\n [Item 11\/ Ernberg\/ Box 21], RG 09\/9.00: Broomfield, Sarah. Anna Ernberg: Appalachian Crafts Revival Artist\/ Swedish Artist (WST\/HIS 155). Berea: Berea Special Collections and Archives, 2016.<\/p>\n [Item 8\/Ernberg\/Box 21], RG 09\/9.00: Ernberg, Anna. An appeal to the women of America<\/em>. Berea: Berea College Special Collections and Archives, 2016.<\/p>\n [Item 16\/Ernberg\/Box 21], RG 09\/9.00: Ernberg, Anna. They have eyes and see not, and ears and hear not<\/em>. Berea: Berea College Special Collections and Archives, 2016.<\/p>\n [Item 24\/Ernberg\/Box 21], RG 09\/9.00: Ernberg, Anna. Ruskin\u2019s ideal for humble homes. Berea<\/em>: Berea College Special Collections and Archives, 2016.<\/p>\n [\u00a0SC-CT-845-018], Evans Ellen, Smith Julia, interviewed by Phillis Alvic. Berea Weaving Oral History Collection. Berea College Special Collections & Archives, April 12, 1995.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n Grieve, Victoria\u00a0M. \u201cWork That Satisfies the Creative Instinct.\u201d Eleanor Roosevelt and the Arts and Crafts.\u201d Winterthur Portfolio<\/em> 42, no. 2\/3 (2008): 159-82. Accessed March 8, 2020. DOI:10.1086\/589595.<\/p>\n [Item 24\/Ernberg\/Box 21], RG 09\/9.00: Faculty and Staff Records: Marzolf, Marion. They came, they saw, they wove, <\/em>Berea College Special Collections and Archives, Berea, Ky. 2016<\/p>\n McDaniel, Hattie. Interview by Wings over Jordan. \u201cSpeech for Sunday, July 7, 1940 broadcast of Wings Over Jordan for Miss Hattie McDaniel, Los Angeles California\/Negro Star of Gone with the Wind and winner of the 1939 Academy Motion Picture Award for the best-supporting actress.\u201d Wings over Jordan. July 7, 1940. Quoted in Micki McElya, \u201cCONFRONTING THE MAMMY PROBLEM,\u201d in\u00a0Clinging to Mammy: The Faithful Slave in Twentieth-Century America<\/em>, Cambridge, Massachusetts: London, England: Harvard University Press, 2007. www.jstor.org\/stable\/j.ctvjf9z8t.10<\/a><\/p>\n McElya, Micki. \u201cCONFRONTING THE MAMMY PROBLEM.\u201d In\u00a0Clinging to Mammy: The Faithful Slave in Twentieth-Century America<\/em>, 207-52. Cambridge, Massachusetts; London, England: Harvard University Press, 2007. Accessed March 5, 2020. www.jstor.org\/stable\/j.ctvjf9z8t.10<\/a>.<\/p>\n Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> Doll: 1930-; 2018.35.1, Appalachian Studies Technology Collection, Berea College, Berea, Kentucky.<\/p>\n [Item 23 \/Ernberg\/Box 21], RG 09\/9.00: Faculty and Staff Records: Nadja. \u201cI, A Swedish Immigrant. Make American more American.\u201d Stockholms Tidningen. Translated by Marion Marzolf and Elisabet Lindqvist, December 9, 1931. Berea College Special Collections and Archives, Berea, Ky.<\/p>\n [Item 25\/ Folder 11\/ Series 4, Box 1], RG 5.28: \u201cNeedlecraft of Berea College Student Industries, Cuddle Toys\u2026 for Little Folks!! Other Clever Needle Products.\u201d Berea: Administrative Divisions: Student Industries, Berea Special Collections and Archives, 2018.<\/p>\n [Item 29\/ Folder 11\/ Series 4, Box 1], RG 05\/5.28:\u00a0 Needlecraft of Berea College Student Industries, Cuddle Toys\u2026 for Little Folks!! Other Clever Needle Products. Berea: Berea Special Collections and Archives, 2018.<\/p>\n Petty, Miriam J. \u201cHattie McDaniel: \u2018Landmark of an Era.\u2019\u201d In\u00a0Stealing the Show: African American Performers and Audiences in 1930s Hollywood<\/em>, 27-71. Oakland: University of California Press, 2016. Accessed March 23, 2020. www.jstor.org\/stable\/10.1525\/j.ctt19qggrs.6<\/a>.<\/p>\n Pilgrim, David. \u201cThe Mammy Caricature.\u201d Jim Crow Museum of Racist Memorabilia.<\/em> Ferris State University. 2012, April 9, 2020, https:\/\/www.ferris.edu\/jimcrow\/mammies\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n Quisenberry, Rosetta. \u201cAunt Jemima.\u201d A Saga of the Black Woman Part 2, <\/em>Arturo Alonzo, Cover page. Lexington, KY: Host Communication, 2003.<\/p>\n Quisenberry, Rosetta. \u201cAn Early Breakfast on a Dinah<\/em>.\u201d A Saga of the Black Woman Part 2, <\/em>Arturo Alonzo, Cover page. Lexington, KY: Host Communication, 2003.<\/p>\n Reef, Catherine. \u201cThe Youth of a New Nation:1790-1850\u201d in Childhood in America, 1-24. New York: Facts on File. Inc, 2002.<\/p>\n Sibande, Mary. Interview by the British Museum. A Reversed Retrogress: Mary Sibande<\/em>. YouTube, Nov 25, 2016. https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=8C5YHIOHqus&t=17s<\/a><\/p>\n Seidel, Kathryn. \u201cThe Southern Belle as an Antebellum Ideal.\u201d In\u00a0The Past Is Not Dead: Essays from The Southern Quarterly<\/em>. Edited by Douglas Chambers, Kenneth Watson, Prenshaw Whitman, Alexander Walker, Alfred Bendixen, David Berry, and Augustus Burns et al. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2012. Accessed April 29, 2020. DOI:10.2307\/j.ctt24hxzz.11.<\/p>\n [Item 8 \/Ernberg\/Box 21], RG 09\/9.00: Faculty and Staff Records: \u201cRevives Colonial Industry in Mountain of Kentucky.\u201d Unidentified newspaper. 24 March 1915. Berea College Special Collection and Archives. Berea College Special Collections and Archives, Berea, Ky.<\/p>\n [Item 10\/ Folder 13A\/ Series 6.1, Box 1], RG 5.28: Vaughn Marshall to President Frost, 23 April 1920. Fireside Industries:\u00a0 Correspondence, Other Regarding Personnel, hiring at Fireside Industries by Anna Ernberg<\/em>. Berea College Special Collections and Archives, 2018, 1.<\/p>\n Williams, Isadora, \u201cMiss Isadora Williams Honored for Citizenship.\u201d Highland Highlights, Feb 16, 1965. \u00a0Quoted in Jane S. Becker, \u201cThe Southern Highland Handicraft Guild,\u201d in Selling Tradition, <\/em>Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998, 76-77.<\/p>\n Williams, David. \u201cLost Cause Religion.\u201d In\u00a0The Civil War in Georgia: A New Georgia Encyclopedia Companion<\/em>, edited by Inscoe John C., 194-97. University of Georgia Press, 2011. Accessed April 19, 2020. www.jstor.org\/stable\/j.ctt46nb3c.45.<\/p>\n Wilson, Shannon, William Goodell Frost: Race and Region<\/em>. Berea College Special Collections and Archives. 2017, March 20, 2020. https:\/\/libraryguides.berea.edu\/frostessay<\/a>.<\/p>\n Wolfskill, Phoebe. \u201cCaricature and the New Negro in the Work of Archibald Motley Jr. and Palmer Hayden.\u201d\u00a0The Art Bulletin<\/em>\u00a091, no. 3 (2009): 343-65. Accessed March 5, 2020. www.jstor.org\/stable\/40645511<\/a><\/p>\n Woodson, Carter. \u201cThe Negro Washerwomen, A Vanishing Figure.\u201d FNH 15, no. 3. July 1930. Quoted in McElya, Micki. \u201cCONFRONTING THE MAMMY PROBLEM.\u201d In\u00a0Clinging to Mammy: The Faithful Slave in Twentieth-Century America<\/em>, 207-52. Cambridge, Massachusetts; London, England: Harvard University Press, 2007. Accessed March 5, 2020. www.jstor.org\/stable\/j.ctvjf9z8t.10<\/a>.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n <\/p>\n Most of the primary sources related to Anna Ernberg and the Weaving Department at the time were supplied by the Hutchins Library’s Special Collections & Archives.<\/p>\n \u00a0<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/legacy.berea.edu\/appalachian-center\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2022\/07\/Missy-n-Mammy-3.png\")
Swedish background, Appalachian Craft Revival, and visual culture influenced Ernberg\u2019s production of Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> during the 1930s, challenging her feminist efforts. To progress this argument, I asked the following questions. What did the Mammy<\/em>-stereotyped doll mean for black and white female bodies, and did the production of the Miss n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> monumentalize this meaning? How influential were the demands of the Appalachian Craft Revival and visual culture on Ernberg\u2019s production of Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em>, did it also represent the influence of her peers?<\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/legacy.berea.edu\/appalachian-center\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2022\/07\/Missy-n-Mammy.png\")
western Europeans would taint lost colonial art. [2]<\/a> The Lost Cause was a belief adopted after the civil war, painting the Confederates\u2019 war efforts as brave and honorable.[3]<\/a> This belief praised Southern lifestyle and culture before the civil war, claiming that slaves were content with plantation life. Thus, Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> achieved the goals of the Appalachian Craft Revival by providing jobs for the weavers who made these dolls and by perpetuating a stereotype connected with the colonial Mammy <\/em>and the Southern Belle<\/em>.[4]<\/a><\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/legacy.berea.edu\/appalachian-center\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2022\/07\/Gone-with-the-Wind.png\")
film Gone with the wind<\/em> serves as a living monument to the Lost Cause<\/em> doctrine that supported the \u201cfaithful servant\u201d rhetoric.[14]<\/a> Although her mother\u2019s job as a domestic worker motivated her to pursue entertainment, the Mammy<\/em> stereotype followed her in Gone with the wind (Figure 2)<\/em>. However, even after following her, McDaniel\u2019s reinterpretation of the Mammy<\/em> stereotype as:<\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/legacy.berea.edu\/appalachian-center\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2022\/07\/Aunt-Jemima.png\")
Unlike Hattie McDaniel, Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em>\u2019s ornate contemporaries only had one dominant interpretation of the Mammy<\/em> stereotype, which fueled white paternalism towards black domestic women. Mammy<\/em>-stereotyped objects like Aunt Jemima <\/em>pancake flour, Fun-To-Wash<\/em>, Ole Mammy<\/em> shortening, conjured black servitude nostalgia, giving the white employer the right to be paternalistic toward black domestic women (Figure 3)<\/em>.[16]<\/a> Prevalent at the time, the employers paid their black domestic workers with clothes or food instead of money, believing that money would disturb the master-faithful servant relationship that was in their imagination. \u00a0Even poverty-stricken white families sacrificed their possessions for black domestic workers to feed their paternalistic ambitions and to maintain social status in the community.[17]<\/a><\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/legacy.berea.edu\/appalachian-center\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2022\/07\/Dinah-Special-Collections-300x286.png\")
also not startling as the 1904 Day Law<\/em> was signed into the Commonwealth of Kentucky laws prohibiting interracial education in Kentucky schools. This act disrupted the Berea\u2019s commitment to educating all races, resulting in its segregation to form the Lincoln Institute, which allowed the college to continue providing education to all races.[19]<\/a> It was an act that Thus, the absence of African Americans licensed the production of such stereotypes. Not only did Fireside industries produce Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em>, but Ernberg also led the women into making other similar dolls like Mammy<\/em>, Dinah<\/em>, Sambo<\/em>, and Petunia<\/em> (Fig 4&5)<\/em>. Unlike Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em>, these dolls received more demeaning descriptions in the catalogs, like Dinah<\/em>\u2019s \u201cfat and happy\u201d description. Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> was also unique in that it had the Missy <\/em>side, which could explain why the doll\u2019s description was not as harsh, as it could have been an effort to respect the Missy<\/em> side.[20]<\/a><\/p>\nThe production and sale of Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> and her contemporaries would not have been possible without the leadership of Anna Ernberg.\u00a0 Ernberg moved from Sweden to the U.S. with her husband, Hjalmar Ernberg, and two sons in 1898 (Fig 6)<\/em>. When Ernberg arrived in New York, her prior experience from the Normal School of Sweden and Art and Sloyd School, propelled her to become a textile and hand weaving teacher at the Pratt Institute and later Teachers College of Columbia University until 1911.[21]<\/a> Ernberg was hired by William G. Frost as the Director of Berea College\u2019s Fireside Industries from 1911 to 1936 and died on April 1, 1940, from an extended heart illness.<\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/legacy.berea.edu\/appalachian-center\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2022\/07\/Anna-Ernberg-300x220.png\")
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/legacy.berea.edu\/appalachian-center\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2022\/07\/Early-Breakfast.png\")
The Mammy<\/em> stereotype and its prototypes were devices used to demean the African American population throughout the Jim Crow Era. Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> represented these devices, revealing the influence of visual culture, peers, and the Appalachian Craft Revival on the Swedish identity of Anna Ernberg. Missy n\u2019 Mammy<\/em> ignored the struggles that black domestic workers, and later their granddaughters, faced, perpetuating female class differences, Lost cause doctrine, and colonial art preservation. The doll signified Ernberg\u2019s dilemma caused by her adaptation to visual culture and the Appalachian Craft Revival, where her capitalist and colonial-art preservation ambitions clashed against her feminist efforts. Conversely, this adaptation resulted in Ernberg\u2019s role as a contributor to the Appalachian Craft Revival and visual culture. Therefore, even though the influence of visual culture and Appalachian Culture seems to absolve Anna Ernberg from her participation in black female minstrelsy, her Swedish background enabled this influence, resulting in the debasement of African American culture and the questioning of her feminist efforts.<\/p>\n